(Photo by Alisdare Hickson via Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED)
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On April 13, 2024, members of the Ominira Yoruba Group (OYG) attacked a government secretariat building in Oyo state in Southwestern Nigeria. Prior to the attack, Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, the group’s self-proclaimed leader, declared the independence of the Democratic Republic of Yorubaland from Nigeria.
In the Southeastern region of the country, sit-at-home orders from the secessionist Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) group have affected rural areas in the region in different ways, from insecurity to severe reductions in economic productivity.
Elsewhere in West Africa, secessionist movements in Cameroon and Ghana continue to push for independence as an antidote to their current problems.
Pharaoh, Let My People Go
In the western region of Cameroon, separatist groups in the English-speaking regions of the country have been in continuous conflict with the Cameroonian government since 2017 as they seek to establish the state of Ambazonia.
Despite initially choosing to become part of Cameroon in 1961, English-speaking minorities in Southern Cameroon have reportedly feared domination by the rest of the country. The fear has led to repeated attempts to secede and become independent. Before becoming part of Cameroon, the English-speaking regions were part of the British trust territory in Cameroon—in contrast with the rest of the country, which was previously part of the trust territory of French Cameroon.
Various referendums and declarations of independence have occurred in the region since 1961. Still, violence remains a constant factor as pro-government forces and pro-independence groups continue to engage in armed conflict, with citizens suffering the brunt of the consequences.
In Ghana, secessionists declared the independence of Western Togoland in September 2020. The unrecognized country identifies itself as a spiritual successor to the former British Togoland, a United Nations Trust Territory that elected to form part of Togo with French Togoland in 1957.
In Nigeria, despite the recent attempt by the OYG, the most prominent endeavour to form an independent country occurred in 1967 in the form of the Republic of Biafra. After a pogrom against the Igbo people of Southeastern Nigeria and a move towards a unitary form of government, the then-Premier of the Eastern Region, Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu, declared the breakaway country. The aftermath was the Biafran War – also known as the Nigerian Civil War – which lasted for over two years and killed millions.
Secession as a Result of (De)Colonization
The colonization of sub-Saharan Africa saw the creation of a number of states in West Africa without regard for their pre-existing borders. This meant that colonizers like Britain and France carelessly divided various sociocultural groups, creating discontent among these groups that persists to this day. For example, the creation of countries like Nigeria, Benin, and Togo split the Yoruba group across the three countries.
Ironically enough, attempts to mitigate the effects of colonization on the continent have only further established these borders. The 1960s were a period of decolonization as colonial powers saw the collapse of their overseas empires. In 1960 alone, 17 countries in sub-Saharan Africa gained independence from Belgium, France, and Great Britain.
Despite this, the international community limited self-determination to existing countries instead of the different sociocultural groups within these countries. The stance of the African Union and various African states that the existing borders on the relevant states’ achievement of independence would remain the same, even post-independence, further reinforced this. As an example, Ethiopia is noted as having fought for newly independent countries to retain whatever existing borders they already had.
Resentment Fuels Conflict
The refusal of these institutions to either re-visit colonial borders or extend self-determination to the various sociocultural groups continues to fuel growing resentment. Additionally, the colonial systems utilized by countries like Britain and France, which privileged certain groups over others, contributed to dissatisfaction amongst underprivileged groups, especially as they persisted post-independence.
For Western Africa, colonization is not just an artifact of the past; it continues to manifest in borders, institutions, and laws that uphold colonial attitudes and beliefs. For example, the theory of martial races sought to prioritize certain groups that they viewed as more “martial” over others, often granting them privileges that weren’t available to other groups.
In Nigeria, the British viewed the Hausa and Yoruba groups as martial races, while they viewed groups like the Igbo as sedentary and ill-suited for war. As a result, while the Hausa were granted access to the military and military positions, the Igbos were often denied such. Resentment toward this unequal treatment and unfair colonial practices has fueled conflicts like the Nigerian Civil War and other ongoing secessionist movements across the region.
Why Secede?
For many secessionist movements, their continued presence in these colonial borders is proof of the continued oppression that started under colonial rule. For these groups, the continued use of these borders only proves this point of view. From their point of view, it is only logical for these groups to continue to ask for self-determination and the ability to govern themselves outside of these colonial structures.
Additionally, many of these dissatisfied groups feel left out in their respective countries. Many countries facing secessionist agitation in Western Africa utilize a unitary system of government—a form of government where the federal government has all of the sovereign authority—with little to no sovereign power delegated to local governments.
The system differs from the federated system of government, where the constitution typically divides sovereignty between a central authority and its constituent regions. Canada, for example, uses a federal form of government where the constitution grants authority to provincial and federal governments to make laws as needed. On the other hand, Cameroon became a unitary state in 1972 and has remained one since then.
A lack of proper division of powers can breed resentment as these groups might feel that unknown powers are in charge of their destinies. Even when these countries technically use a federated system of government, they still function like a unitary government. An example is the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which reportedly operates as a federation by name only. This results in certain sociocultural groups feeling marginalized and excluded from the political decision-making process.
In a system where decisions are made solely at the federal level with no concern for their effects on the local/state levels, resentment toward the leaders will only continue to grow. This is reflected in the Ambazonia and Biafra agitations as both sets of secessionists continue to denounce the marginalization they continue to face as a result of this form of government in Cameroon and Nigeria, respectively.
There are several other reasons sociocultural groups agitate for secession, such as security concerns. Different regions of a particular country might feel safer on their own—separate from the violence elsewhere within the country. Additionally, resource-rich regions that feel they are not receiving their fair share of the benefits of a resource, like oil, might view secession as the answer to that problem. Finally, regions that experience a reduction in the degree of sovereignty they can exercise can view secession as the solution to exercising self-determination and regaining their sovereignty.
Secession or Nothing?
Secession remains an attractive proposition for sociocultural groups facing any or all of the problems outlined above. For groups operating under colonial structures, it presents an opportunity to restart their development. For groups who feel they do not control their resources and future, it promises the chance to forge their own destiny. Despite this, while secession is often the final goal of many of these movements, self-determination can take different forms without necessarily ending in secession.
Where secessionist movements cannot achieve peaceful self-determination, governments in West Africa must attend to the concerns of would-be secessionists or face the risk of civil war. The marginalization of certain minorities or sociocultural groups will only continue to make matters worse for countries facing violent conflict related to secession. For these countries to function appropriately, these governments cannot afford to ignore or sideline these sociocultural minorities.
Countries like Cameroon must also implement a federated government system in name and actuality. Continued use of the unitary system of government will only continue to fan the flames of violent secession. These countries must recognize that state and local governments might better understand the relevant issues their constituents face and be better suited to solve them.
Governments must also endeavour to provide peace and security. A lack of peace and security makes secession more attractive and will only ensure that citizens take matters into their own hands through secession or vigilantism.
Finally, governments, institutions, and people must actively seek to decolonize. Residual anger and resentment from colonization are significant reasons why people seek secession. West African governments must reckon with the continued existence of different colonial structures that continue to oppress various groups within their territories.
The Alternatives to Secession
These secessionist movements across West Africa exist because of valid and pertinent grievances that governments must engage with. A refusal to engage with the sentiments outlined above will only create more violence or push these groups toward secession. Instead, all parties involved must attempt to create a future where they can peacefully solve these concerns – secession or otherwise.
If all of these suggestions fail or these governments don’t make serious attempts, secession is inevitable. At that point, it is the government’s burden to ensure a smooth and nonviolent secession.
Edited by Gustavo Villela
