(Photo by Veni via Flickr/CC BY 2.0)
On June 20, 2024, the Tajik government signed Law No.2048. banning clothing “alien to national culture,” notably the hijab, and imposing rules on religious celebrations. Two months later, in August 2024, the Ulema Council, the highest Tajik Islamic institution, issued guidelines to specify the law, prohibiting “tight-fitting” and “black” clothes for women, thus targeting both Islamic and Western styles. These measures have fined and harassed women into wearing state-approved clothes.
Over the past decades, Tajikistan’s government has increasingly restricted women’s choices under the pretext of protecting national culture. In 2017, the government appointed a special commission to define appropriate clothing for citizens. The next year, authorities distributed a 367-page guidebook on outfit recommendations to the population. What appeared as restrictions on women’s fashion was part of a broader strategy to control personal freedoms and civil society organizations, with the 2024 measures marking a significant escalation of state repression in Tajikistan.
A 96% Muslim state in Central Asia, Tajikistan has been under the rule of President Emomali Rahmon since 1992. The country has promoted a state-controlled version of Tajik culture, rejecting foreign influence in clothing, religion, or cultural norms ever since.
Rahmon has used nationalism and security concerns to justify restrictions on civil liberties. While morality laws are officially described as measures protecting Tajik culture from Western and Islamic extremism, they serve as tools for strengthening the government’s control over society. Civil society groups, journalists and activists face censorship with reports of “harsh penalties and disappearances.”
This growing crackdown on attire is just one part of a larger pattern of authoritarian governance disguised as cultural preservation. It raises important questions: Why is Tajikistan so invested in regulating personal appearance? What role does it play in the broader effort to undermine civil liberties?
Morality, Nationalism and Fear of Islam
The Tajik government presents a carefully shaped narrative blending nationalism, moral principles, and security concerns. In 2017, Rahmon was already calling for resistance to “alien cultures and traditions.” In March 2024, he declared that “wearing foreign clothes…is another important problem in [Tajik] society,” once again framing religious expression as a threat to national unity and security. Law No. 2048, passed in June 2024, underscored the protection of “original values of national culture,” the prevention of “superstition and fanaticism,” and the elevation of “the spirituality of the Tajik people.”
This state control over religious institutions is partly rooted in Soviet-era secularism, during which religious practice was heavily regulated or banned. Today, the Tajik government appoints religious leaders, prepares sermons, and controls approval for pilgrimages to ensure religious life remains under state oversight. Yet, criminalization and stigmatization of Islamic expression risks alienating peaceful, religious communities and increasing resentment in Muslim communities, a key factor in religious radicalization.
The government’s fear of Islamist radicalization is not without historical context. Islamist groups were key players in the 1992–1997 Tajik civil war, opposing the communists after the fall of the Soviet Union. Ever since, the state has treated independent religious movements as suspicious. This anxiety has been reinforced by the long border with Afghanistan, especially following the Taliban’s return to power in 2021. Tajikistan has also been a large source of foreign fighters for other countries, with Tajik citizens travelling abroad to participate in Islamist conflicts, especially in Iraq and Syria.
Surveillance, Shame and Forced Compliance of Women
The state’s campaign to regulate clothing has unfolded over a decade, with women as the main target of these control efforts. Starting in 2007, the government has progressively banned hijabs from different institutions, resulting in the exclusion of female employees with Islamic headscarves from state agencies. Human Rights Watch also reported that some women were denied access to hospitals for “not wearing the approved style of head covering.” Working-class and rural women also face additional difficulties with these restrictions, as the fabric used for traditional Tajik outfits is expensive.
In 2017, the government targeted shops selling dolls in Islamic clothing, eliminating Muslim role models for Tajik girls. Citizens also reportedly received text messages from the state, encouraging them to wear national costumes. The authorities have also intensified efforts to regulate women’s clothes and behaviour, extending their reach on social media. For instance, in 2023, Jonon Ashurova, a young Instagram influencer, released a video apology for her clothing after facing public pressure. Activist Firuza Mirzoyeva also denounced a climate of intimidation fueled by the government to force women to conform to state-imposed norms.
In August 2024, the Ulema Council, the highest Tajik Islamic institution, advised women to dress to “reflect the morality of the woman-mother,” pushing them towards the invisibility of the domestic sphere and traditional nurturing roles. Authorities have used coercive methods to ensure compliance, conducting street raids to “forcibly shave men” and “take hijabs off women.” This restrictive state policy creates a broader culture of fear, leading to a decrease in women’s autonomy over their appearance.
Control of Dress to Silence Dissent
The crackdown on women’s clothing is not an isolated policy, but part of a wider effort to silence dissent and control public discourse. Tajikistan ranks among the most repressive media environments, with independent outlets shut down and a regular practice of harassment. Journalists have been reportedly arrested, charged with high treason, or forced into exile for covering issues related to women’s rights, religious expression, and state repression. The journalist Avazmad Ghurbatov is one of many to have been sentenced to prison on charges of extremism for reporting on “citizens’ complaints against the government.”
Since 2015, the government has banned the Islamic Renaissance Party, once the country’s main opposition party, and arrested hundreds of religious scholars and clerics who dared to challenge official policies. Religious leaders who practice or teach without being registered with the government face investigations and charges for extremism as well. The authorities also organize raids during ceremonies in mosques to fine individuals for their religious practices. Those who do not comply with the rules of celebrations and clothing can face a fine of up to $740.
Diaspora Response and International Backlash
The Tajik diaspora and international human rights organizations have voiced strong opposition to the government’s restrictive measures. The Council on American-Islamic Relations condemned the legislation, stating that “these ‘guidelines’ can only be viewed in the context of the Tajikistan government’s ongoing efforts to ban Islamic attire and to suppress religious freedom.” The Research and Advocacy Director emphasized that the “choice to wear religious attire” should not be “subject to discriminatory state decrees.” The Union of Muslim Scholars also called for the cancellation of these measures, comparing the situation in Tajikistan to “historical attempts to suppress Islamic identity in countries like Iran during the Shah’s reign…and the Soviet Union.”
The Islamic Human Rights Commission denounced the Islamophobic measures and called upon the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to stand against Tajikistan’s hijab ban, and to take punitive measures against the government to uphold the right to freedom of religion. Representing 57 member states, the OIC is uniquely positioned to pressure member states diplomatically, undermine the legitimacy of the Tajik government, and mobilize resources for legal aid, documentation, and advocacy.
Yet, despite the calls for action from human rights organizations, the silence from international bodies and governments regarding Tajikistan’s actions is deafening. Iran, ideologically against Tajikistan’s secular approach, has remained silent, probably due to the recent renewal of bilateral partnership after a decade of tense relations. Turkey, usually vocal on Muslim issues, has not yet issued a public statement on the new restrictions.
The Tajik Crackdown in Its Regional Context
Tajikistan is far from being the only country that enforces moral laws through dress codes. In Central Asia, Turkmenistan has implemented similar clothing and beauty restrictions under the guise of protecting national identity. This country has a limited space for public space and resistance, leading to similar enforcement relying on street-level policing and intimidation.
The Taliban rule in Afghanistan represents an extreme version of state-imposed dress codes: women are required to wear full-body coverings and face severe punishment for any violation. However, unlike Tajikistan, where the government promotes secular nationalism and a distrust of Islamic expression, the Taliban justifies these restrictions through a rigid interpretation of Sharia law.
Iran offers a more complex case, since decades of protests and civil disobedience have followed the 1979 law making hijabs mandatory. The “Women, Life, Freedom” movement, sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022, has stimulated resistance and drawn international attention to the human cost of morality policing. Iran has become a symbol of sustained large-scale defiance against dress-related repression.
Dress Codes as a Mirror of Power and Resistance
The global pattern is clear: dress codes are never just about clothing. In fact, they are barometers of political control and the boundaries of public resistance. In Tajikistan, the state’s increasing obsession with policing appearance reflects deeper unease about identities, influence, and power. Under the guise of protecting national culture, the government dictates not only how people dress but also how they think and worship.
What makes Tajikistan’s case striking is its inversion of familiar narratives, compared to other countries like Iran and Afghanistan that impose Islamic dress as a symbol of morality. In all cases, women’s bodies become battlegrounds for state ideology. Tajikistan shows how nationalism and fear of extremism can turn into a repressive force.
And yet, resistance can take many forms: a social media post later deleted under pressure, a woman choosing to dress differently, or a voice speaking up for others’ rights. Even in the absence of mass protests like in Iran, these individual acts push back against an authoritative narrative seeking total control. Change takes visibility, solidarity, and sustained attention. What happens in Tajikistan is not only a domestic issue but is also part of a global conversation about identity and freedom.
Edited by Khushi Mehta
