(Photo by Nektarios Markogiannis via Flickr/CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 DEED)
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In 2017, the Central African Republic (CAR) reported having the second-highest amount of illegal Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) among nine African countries.
According to the United Nations (UN) Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Izumi Nakamitsu, “the misuse, illicit transfer and destabilizing accumulation of SALW… remain a defining factor in undermining peace and security at the national, regional and global levels.” The quote is especially relevant for a region like Central Africa and a country like the CAR. UN peace operation mandates remain in effect there, and the effects of a civil war, partly fuelled by illegal arms and weapons, continue to impact citizens.
Some experts note that the illegal selling and buying of SALW increases conflict, which in turn increases the deaths of combatants and innocent civilians. However, strict regulations typically constrain gun ownership in the Central African region. For example, while the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) usually allows guns for hunting and sport shooting, illegal use and ownership of firearms are punishable by imprisonment and fines. Despite the regulations and several other initiatives, the issues surrounding the production, trade, and use of illegal SALWs remain abundant.
What are Small Arms and Light Weapons, and Where Do They Come From?
While people can interchangeably use “small arms” and “light weapons,” small arms are portable weapons, typically designed for individual use. In contrast, manufacturers intend light weapons for use by more than one person. Examples of small arms range from pistols to light machine guns, while light weapons include anti-tank and anti-aircraft guns.
Per a study by the Small Arms Survey in 2019, cross-border trafficking (by land) was the primary type of illicit arms transfer, typically by conflict-based groups such as rebellions, terrorists, and criminal organizations. These arms often come from recycled weapons from past conflicts and diverted national stockpiles, which underlines the impact of poor weapon safeguarding by governments on their countries and their neighbours.
Authorities have repeatedly found repeatedly found weapons belonging to government forces from the DRC and Chad in the CAR. These three countries are all part of the larger Central African region, as defined by the United Nations and the African Development Bank, highlighting that the effects of these weapons often extend beyond the countries of origin. It also exhibits the damage that a lack of proper weapon management and protection can cause.
Furthermore, illegal weapons are sourced through illegal international arms deals. As an example, some arms-manufacturing countries, like Russia, are profit-driven and will ignore multiple arms embargoes in pursuit of weapon sales.
Why Own These Weapons?
The presence of illegal weapons in a region is tied to insecurity. According to a briefing paper by the International Action Network on Small Arms, insecure groups and individuals arm themselves for protection, which others see as a threat, prompting them to do the same. Insecurity and weapon circulation then escalate, creating a cycle of endless violence through firearm usage.
For example, the presence of unsanctioned SALW in the region partially explains the increasing violence and insecurity in Central Africa. Conflicts in the DRC and the CAR lead civilians to buy weapons for self-defence against other arms users due to the absence of a functional government. In such scenarios, especially in countries with worsening security issues, illegal weapon trafficking is used to support typically non-criminal activities like hunting and self-defence.
In addition to self-defense, criminals and members of terrorist organizations often traffic and own SALWs for illegal activities such as kidnapping and extortion. Different militia groups in the CAR also use these weapons to pursue their agendas against the government.
Attempts to Address the Issue So Far
From 2017 until 2020, the African Union Assembly hosted African Amnesty Month, an initiative to help reduce the number of weapons and small arms circulating the continent. Under this initiative, citizens of various African countries were encouraged to surrender the small arms and light weapons in their possession without repercussions. Central African countries like the CAR and the DRC focused on educating their citizens on the dangers of illegal arms and encouraging them to give up any such weapons that they might possess.
Authorities have made several attempts to address the presence of illegal SALW in the region. Most notably, they established the Central African Convention for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (also known as the Kinshasa Convention) in March 2017, which outlines the SALW safekeeping standards that Central African states should meet.
On a global level, the UN uses three interconnected initiatives— the Firearms Protocol, the Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons, and the International Tracing Instrument—to better track illegal weapons that enter respective territories.
There are also embargoes that institutions like the UN have put in place to stop the flow of weapons to areas that are already suffering from their impact. Embargoes are trade restrictions placed on certain goods in certain countries to create change from an unwanted action. For example, Central Africa currently has two countries under these embargoes: the DRC and the CAR. Unfortunately, the UN’s embargoes for CAR and the DRC contain exceptions for direct supplies to the country’s army. Recognizing how weapons are often diverted from national stockpiles, it can still indirectly increase the illegal trade’s supply.
Despite all these attempts, the illegal entry of weapons into the country continue to supply actors in conflicts like the war in the CAR. The embargoes and initiatives aimed at stopping weapon sales failed partly due to a lack of regional coordination among Central African countries and loopholes in the embargoes themselves. Additionally, countries like Russia blatantly disregard these embargoes, leading to an inability to tackle the complex socioeconomic causes of the weapons trade.
The Path to Better Solutions
Despite its perceived failure, Amnesty Month could become a more effective solution with increased scale and funding. Extending its duration to multiple months or years could enhance awareness and encourage more people to surrender illegal weapons. While Amnesty Month didn’t achieve all its goals, extending it could lead to better results by building on the progress already made.
Central African governments also need to improve border control to curb the illegal weapons trade. It will require better regional and sub-regional coordination between the different responsible governments, with support from agencies like the UN and the African Union. Cooperation among border security services within and outside Central Africa is vital, along with involvement from countries like Libya, where illegal weapons come from.
Many of these countries already coordinate their security efforts against banditry and terrorism. Extending this coordination would increase benefits without an exponential increase in the resources required to set up a new organization or information-sharing mechanism. The existing collaborations already establish a solid foundation for sharing relevant information and effectively enforcing embargoes.
Finally, leaders need to address the economic situations that drive the demand for weapons. Rising insecurity in parts of Central Africa (and beyond) has led individuals to seek protection independently, even if it requires breaking strict gun control laws. Any possible solution to ending the trade of illegal SALWs in sub-Saharan Africa must account for how insecurity and the lack of economic opportunity ultimately fuel this crisis. With the rise in instability and the continued illegal ownership of SALWs in the region, Central African leaders must address these issues seriously before they escalate any further.
Edited by Melanie Miles
